Badri Narayan , professor at JNU's Centre for the Study of Discrimination and Exclusion, says the emergence of cow vigilante groups may work in BSP's favour in the Uttar Pradesh polls
The Dalit group is neither a static nor a homogeneous social group. These groups gained from the Constitution and the welfare policies initiated by the government. This led to three major changes. First, a progressive, visible and elite section of Dalits emerged from among them. Second, it caused an acceleration of desire for political participation. Third, due to aspiration for development, welfare policies and leadership, a few castes in each state progressed but many were left behind. Currently, a few castes are visible in the political sphere while many are still far from the door of democracy.
Also Read: Dalit achievers overcome odds even as atrocities rise
If you go through the SC list of every state, you will find that 50-70 castes are included in it, but only some have a significant place in politics. These castes are typically numerically larger than the rest, like the Dusadhs and Chamars in Bihar, the Chamars, Pasi and Kori in UP, the Mala-Madiga in Andhra Pradesh and the Mahar-Matang in Maharashtra. Their political affiliations are also different. In Delhi and Punjab, a large section of the Dalits are influenced by the AAP. But Chamars, the largest Dalit group in Punjab, have traditionally voted for the Congress, while the Bhangis are attracted towards the AAP.
Th e BSP is the biggest claimant of Dalit votes in UP. Though Mayawati was defeated in the 2012 assembly elections, her Dalit votes remained intact. A small percentage of Dalits cast their votes for the BJP in the name of development in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. However, as we found during our field visits, this section of Dalits is again inclined towards the BSP in the 2017 elections. It is not only the numerically large Dalit castes like the Chamars/ Jatavs, who are the base voters of BSP, but other castes too now feel that only Mayawati can do something for their emancipation. The biggest reason for this is the annulment of reservations in promotion after the Supreme Court verdict. This decision has greatly affected the literate, employed and politically important Dalits.
The politicisation of smaller castes among the Dalits such as Sapera, Hari and Hela is yet to be accomplished. The BSP has not reached them still. The BJP, SP and the Congress are trying their best to bring such non-Chamar, non-Jatav Dalit castes into their fold. The relationship between the BJP and the Dalits is emerging in an interesting way, with the issue of beef-eating gaining prominence. The agenda is influenced by the BJP's Brahminical culture, which has led to the emergence of the Hindutva politics.
The issue of beef-eating as well as the atrocities committed on Dalits and Muslims in the name of cow protection will bring the latter closer to democratic politics. The BSP is endeavouring to make such a coalition successful in UP.
The Dalit group is neither a static nor a homogeneous social group. These groups gained from the Constitution and the welfare policies initiated by the government. This led to three major changes. First, a progressive, visible and elite section of Dalits emerged from among them. Second, it caused an acceleration of desire for political participation. Third, due to aspiration for development, welfare policies and leadership, a few castes in each state progressed but many were left behind. Currently, a few castes are visible in the political sphere while many are still far from the door of democracy.
Also Read: Dalit achievers overcome odds even as atrocities rise
If you go through the SC list of every state, you will find that 50-70 castes are included in it, but only some have a significant place in politics. These castes are typically numerically larger than the rest, like the Dusadhs and Chamars in Bihar, the Chamars, Pasi and Kori in UP, the Mala-Madiga in Andhra Pradesh and the Mahar-Matang in Maharashtra. Their political affiliations are also different. In Delhi and Punjab, a large section of the Dalits are influenced by the AAP. But Chamars, the largest Dalit group in Punjab, have traditionally voted for the Congress, while the Bhangis are attracted towards the AAP.
Th e BSP is the biggest claimant of Dalit votes in UP. Though Mayawati was defeated in the 2012 assembly elections, her Dalit votes remained intact. A small percentage of Dalits cast their votes for the BJP in the name of development in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. However, as we found during our field visits, this section of Dalits is again inclined towards the BSP in the 2017 elections. It is not only the numerically large Dalit castes like the Chamars/ Jatavs, who are the base voters of BSP, but other castes too now feel that only Mayawati can do something for their emancipation. The biggest reason for this is the annulment of reservations in promotion after the Supreme Court verdict. This decision has greatly affected the literate, employed and politically important Dalits.
The politicisation of smaller castes among the Dalits such as Sapera, Hari and Hela is yet to be accomplished. The BSP has not reached them still. The BJP, SP and the Congress are trying their best to bring such non-Chamar, non-Jatav Dalit castes into their fold. The relationship between the BJP and the Dalits is emerging in an interesting way, with the issue of beef-eating gaining prominence. The agenda is influenced by the BJP's Brahminical culture, which has led to the emergence of the Hindutva politics.
The issue of beef-eating as well as the atrocities committed on Dalits and Muslims in the name of cow protection will bring the latter closer to democratic politics. The BSP is endeavouring to make such a coalition successful in UP.